NDIA Accountability Project

As disabled Australians, we live under the NDIA's guardianship — but unlike a real guardian, nothing holds it accountable when it acts against our interest. Let's change that.

A real guardian is given power over someone's life because the law expects them to act in that person's interest — and if they don't, a tribunal can review it, or remove them. The NDIA has that same power over how we live — what supports we get, and what we're denied — but none of that oversight. Nothing reviews whether it's acting in our interest. Nothing removes it when it isn't. Instead, it answers to a government that's rewarded for spending less on us, not for looking after us. This project is building the missing piece: enforceable rules for how NDIA staff communicate with us and make decisions about our lives, written by us — the people who actually live it, not handed down by people who don't — and an independent body with the power to enforce them.

Read the full story ↓

Service Code

7 of 46 sections drafted so far

Clear, enforceable standards for how NDIA staff must treat participants — written by the disability community, grounded in the Agency's own practice guidelines, legislation, and human rights frameworks. Read the Code, see the evidence behind each clause, or propose a change.

Lived Experiences

0 stories shared so far

Anonymised, firsthand accounts of what happens when the Agency doesn't follow its own rules. These events will be used as evidence for developing the Service Code, to prevent them reocurring to future participants.

Document Library

2526 NDIA documents, plus 8916 submissions from 36 senate inquiries

NDIA's internal documents released through Freedom of Information requests, and public submissions to Senate inquiries into the NDIS — searchable by keyword and filterable by topic.

The problem

A real guardian is appointed because the law recognises someone needs support making decisions in their life — and because that much power over another person's life is serious, guardianship comes with real checks and balances. A tribunal decides who gets appointed. Their decisions can be reviewed. If they stop acting in that person's interest, they can be removed.

The NDIA holds that same kind of power over how disabled Australians live. Its decisions about what's "reasonable and necessary" determine whether we are kept safe or put in danger, whether we are empowered to work, study, and live independently or are disenfranchised. It can place someone in a situation it has already been warned, in writing, is dangerous — and when that danger becomes real harm, nothing about the decision that caused it changes. It will do the same thing to the next person.

But none of a guardian's checks and balances apply to it. No tribunal decides whether the NDIA should keep this power. No one reviews, as a matter of course, whether its decisions are actually made in participants' interest. And when it does get something wrong, the only real recourse is the Administrative Review Tribunal — a process that can take years, against a well-resourced, sophisticated legal team, for someone who is often already more vulnerable than most and getting nowhere near enough support, formal or informal, to safely get through an ordinary day. Win, and the relief rarely lasts: the Agency can take it all away again at the next plan review, and the fight starts over. Even a win only ever fixes that one decision, for that one person — it has no power to reach the pattern that produced it.

Some of what goes wrong isn't even that visible. Participants have found a disability quietly missing from their record — not something they were told about, just gone — and only discovered it when a new claim for that disability was mysteriously refused. When they've chased it, there's often no audit trail: no one in the Agency can say when it disappeared, or why. Others have gone through reassessment, been given a worse outcome, and later discovered that evidence they'd submitted never made it into their file at all.

None of this is because the people working at the NDIA are bad people. Reporting on conditions inside the Agency, and reviews left by people who've worked there, describe a genuinely difficult workplace — one where staff trying to do right by participants run into obstacles at every turn. It's because the Agency isn't required to answer to the people its decisions affect. It answers to a government whose incentives run the other way — rewarded for keeping the budget down and getting re-elected, not for whether disabled Australians are actually being looked after. Eventually, we'd like this project to make room for those staff stories too: what it actually takes to try to help someone here, and what gets in the way.

What this project is building

This isn't a new problem to solve from scratch. Banks, energy retailers and insurers are private businesses — their first duty is to their shareholders, not their customers — and Australia has still decided some services matter too much to be left entirely to that incentive. Electricity, water and phone access are treated as essential services precisely because people can't simply go without them: providers have obligations to keep supplying them, and independent ombudsman schemes exist to investigate complaints and make binding decisions when a provider falls short of its own standards. The NDIS is exactly this kind of essential service — something disabled Australians need, provided by a body whose incentives don't naturally point toward providing it well. It deserves the same treatment: not just a tribunal that can fix one case at a time, but a clear, written standard for how NDIA staff are required to communicate with us and decide about us, and an independent body with the power to actually enforce it.

Everything the NDIA is supposed to do — procedurally, legally — is already written down somewhere: in the policies and internal guidance released through FOI, most of which nobody outside the Agency ever reads. Those documents aren't evidence of how the NDIA treats people. They're evidence of what the NDIA itself says should happen — and the two turn out to be very different things. We can only guess at what happens in between: a workplace, probably, where staff are told what actually matters — budgets, numbers, timelines — and punished for missing it, even when meeting it means quietly setting the official guidance aside. That's likely no small part of why it's such a difficult place to work. But it's also exactly why these documents matter here: a Service Code built from the Agency's own stated standards is one the Agency can't credibly call unreasonable. It would only be enforcing what it already claims to do.

The stronger evidence isn't paperwork — it's people. Disabled Australians telling their own stories, submitted straight to this site, sit alongside years of submissions to Senate inquiries into the NDIS — already public, so hard to find and get through that almost nobody outside the inquiry itself ever reads them. Not because they aren't worth reading. Because almost no one knows where to look, or has the time to dig. Add the legislation and the Disability Royal Commission's own findings, and that's the real case for change — not just what the rules say should happen, but what's actually happened to people, in their own words, finally searchable and findable rather than buried.

What it can't do

There's a lot this project can't do, and it matters to be honest about that up front. A decision by the Agency can be perfectly legal and still be unfair — this project is aimed at the way decisions get made and communicated, not the legislation itself. It can't force the Agency to release what it redacts or withholds under FOI; if you believe you weren't given everything you're legally entitled to, that still means an internal review, or taking it to the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner, yourself. It can't change the outcome of your individual case: right now it can only give you information, and once the Code and an Ombudsman exist, you'll still need to bring your own complaint to them. And until that Ombudsman exists, there's genuinely no way to hold the Agency accountable for falling short of what this project says it should be doing — only to show, clearly, that it has. Hopefully, one day, that will change too.

None of this helps anyone who doesn't know it exists, or who finds it too hard to use. If something here isn't accessible to you, tell me — I want to fix it. And if you've been failed by this system, or you know someone who has: read the Service Code as it stands, tell us what's missing from it, and tell someone else who's been through the same thing that this exists.