Limiting reassessments risks crisis for families (Participant experience)

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Submission 848

Scheme Amendment (Securing the NDIS for Future

Generations) Bill 2026

Attention: Committee Secretary, Senate Standing Committee on Community Affairs

Submitted by email: community.affairs.sen@aph.gov.au

Date: 27 May 2026

I welcome the opportunity to make a submission to the Senate Standing Committee on

Community Affairs about the National Disability Insurance Scheme Amendment (Securing

the NDIS for Future Generations) Bill 2026.

I am both a parent of an NDIS participant and a former Specialist Support Coordinator.

I support genuine measures to improve Scheme integrity, reduce fraud, prevent exploitation

and ensure the NDIS remains available for future generations. However, I am strongly

opposed to provisions in this Bill that go well beyond integrity and instead reduce participant

rights, restrict access to reassessment, permit broad funding reductions, increase

administrative burden, expand suspension and revocation powers, and rely on other service

systems without ensuring those systems can actually meet disability-related need.

The central flaw in the Bill is that it treats sustainability as something achieved by restricting

access to support, tightening compliance and shifting risk away from the Scheme. That is not

sustainability. It is rationing by another name.

My experience of the NDIS, both personally as a parent/carer and through disability support

coordination, is that families usually seek review, reassessment or additional support

because they are trying to prevent crisis. They are trying to keep a child safe, maintain

school participation, prevent behavioural escalation, sustain informal care, keep supports in

place, avoid carer collapse and stop deterioration before it becomes irreversible.

This Bill risks requiring participants and families to prove crisis before the Scheme is

required to respond. That is a serious policy failure. A sustainable NDIS should prevent

crisis, not wait for crisis to become the evidence.

This submission directly addresses specific provisions of the Bill.

Submission 848

Schedule 1, Part 2 — limiting participant-requested plan reassessments

Schedule 1, Part 2 would limit when a participant-requested reassessment can occur. A

reassessment would only be available if the conditions in proposed section 48A are met. The

Bill also extends the timeframe for the CEO to make a decision on a reassessment request

from 21 days to 90 days.

This provision is too narrow, too slow and unsafe.

Disability-related support needs do not always change through one clear, sudden event.

Need often escalates gradually. A child’s school participation becomes more fragile.

Behaviours of concern increase. Informal supports become less sustainable. A carer’s

capacity reduces slowly until they can no longer safely continue. Families often seek

reassessment because they can see the crisis coming.

The Bill appears to require a participant or family to prove that significant and ongoing

deterioration has already occurred before reassessment is available. That creates a

dangerous incentive to wait until there has been breakdown, harm, escalation or service

failure.

A plan reassessment pathway should exist to prevent crisis, not merely to respond after

crisis has occurred.

The imbalance in this provision is also significant. The CEO would retain broad power to

initiate reassessments, while participants face tighter conditions, higher evidentiary hurdles

and longer timeframes. Participants and families are often the people with the clearest

knowledge that the current plan is no longer sufficient. The legislation should not make it

harder for them to have that risk recognised.

The proposed 90-day timeframe is particularly concerning. Three months is not a neutral

administrative period where a participant is deteriorating, a child is losing school

participation, behaviours of concern are escalating, supports are failing or a carer is

approaching breakdown. In those circumstances, 90 days can be the difference between

stabilisation and crisis.

Recommendation:

Proposed section 48A should be amended to allow participant-requested reassessment

where there is credible evidence that current supports are insufficient to prevent

Submission 848

deterioration, carer breakdown, loss of school or community participation, increased

behaviours of concern, increased restrictive practices, hospitalisation, homelessness,

institutionalisation or other crisis responses.

The Bill should also require an expedited reassessment pathway where delay would create

material risk to participant safety, essential supports, informal care arrangements or family

sustainability.

  1. Schedule 1, Part 4 — Ministerial determinations reducing funding for groups of supports

I am particularly concerned by proposed section 34A, which would allow the Minister to

reduce funding for whole groups of supports through a legislative instrument.

This is not an integrity measure. It is a broad cost-control power.

The provision could reduce funding across support categories even where those supports

have already been assessed as reasonable and necessary. The Bill expressly allows this

reduction to apply even if the funding provided is less than the actual cost of the support.

That fundamentally changes the nature of the NDIS. It means a participant’s support need

can be recognised, but not properly funded.

This is a profound departure from an individualised, needs-based Scheme. A participant’s

disability, functional impact, support needs and risks may not have changed at all, but their

funding could still be reduced because a category of supports has been reduced at Scheme

level. That is not individualised planning. It is category-based rationing.

The safeguard that the Minister must “have regard to” participant safety is grossly

inadequate. Safety should not be one consideration weighed against Scheme sustainability.

Safety, wellbeing, human rights and family sustainability should be threshold requirements.

A funding reduction should not be permitted unless the Minister is positively satisfied that it

will not create material risk.

In practice, underfunding reasonable and necessary supports does not remove the need for

support. It simply displaces it. The shortfall is pushed onto participants, families, unpaid

carers, providers, schools, hospitals, mental health services, child protection, youth justice,

housing and other state systems. This creates hidden costs and increases the risk of carer

Submission 848

breakdown, behavioural escalation, isolation, restrictive practices, crisis response and

institutionalisation.

From my experience, families do not seek supports because they are optional extras. They

seek supports because those supports keep daily life functioning. They keep children

engaged, carers standing, participants connected, risks managed and crises from

escalating. If funding is reduced below the real cost of support, the result is not efficiency.

The result is unmet need and preventable harm.

This provision also raises serious transparency, accountability and intergovernmental

concerns. A broad funding reduction should not be able to occur by Ministerial determination

alone. If such a power exists at all, it should be subject to the highest level of scrutiny. It

should require public reasons, published evidence, consultation, human rights analysis,

cohort impact analysis, consideration of downstream cost shifting and formal

intergovernmental agreement.

Category A NDIS Rules would be a more appropriate mechanism because they require

agreement of all states and territories. This is important because reductions in NDIS funding

will not only affect participants. They will shift cost and risk onto state systems, including

health, education, child protection, youth justice, housing and crisis services.

Recommendation:

Proposed section 34A should not proceed in its current form.

At minimum, any mechanism to reduce funding for a group of supports should not be

exercisable by Ministerial determination alone. It should be subject to Category A NDIS

Rules, requiring agreement of all states and territories.

The Bill should also require that any proposed reduction:

 is subject to public consultation with people with disability, families, carers, providers

and states and territories;

 is supported by published reasons and published evidence;

 includes human rights analysis;

 includes cohort impact analysis;

 includes consideration of downstream cost shifting to families, carers, providers and

state systems;

Submission 848

 cannot proceed unless the Minister is positively satisfied that the reduction will not

create material risk to participant safety, wellbeing, functioning, family sustainability

or human rights; and

 includes an individual review or exemption pathway where a participant’s plan no

longer funds the supports they require.

A power that can reduce funding for supports already assessed as reasonable and

necessary must not sit solely with the Minister. Without these safeguards, proposed section

34A creates a mechanism for rationing disability supports without adequate oversight,

accountability or protection from harm.

  1. Schedule 1, Part 7 — plan suspension and participant revocation where a participant is “not contactable”

The Bill would allow a participant’s plan to be suspended where the participant is not

contactable, and may allow participant status to be revoked after a period of suspension or

continued lack of contact.

This provision is unsafe without much stronger safeguards.

Not being contactable is not the same as not needing support. In many cases, being difficult

to contact is itself evidence of disability-related need. Participants may be difficult to contact

because of psychosocial disability, intellectual disability, cognitive disability, trauma,

communication disability, family violence, unstable housing, hospitalisation, low literacy,

digital exclusion, executive functioning difficulties or lack of decision-making support.

The Bill risks punishing the very barriers the NDIS is supposed to understand and

accommodate.

From experience, families and participants under pressure do not always respond neatly to

letters, portals, calls or administrative requests. That does not mean they are disengaged by

choice. It may mean they are overwhelmed, unsafe, unsupported, unwell or in crisis.

Suspending a plan or revoking participant status is not an administrative inconvenience. It

may remove the supports that are keeping a person safe, housed, regulated, connected and

out of crisis. The legislation should not allow that to occur unless strong disability-informed

engagement and risk safeguards have been exhausted.

Submission 848

Recommendation:

Before any plan suspension or revocation, the Bill should require active outreach, use of

preferred communication methods, contact with nominees or trusted supporters where

appropriate, supported decision-making, consideration of disability-related communication

barriers, and a documented risk assessment.

Suspension or revocation should be prohibited where it would create a material risk of harm,

deterioration, loss of essential supports, carer breakdown, homelessness, hospitalisation,

institutionalisation or crisis response.

  1. Schedule 2, Part 5 — reducing NDIS claim times from 2 years to 90 days Schedule 2, Part 5 would reduce the timeframe for making an NDIS claim from 2 years to 90

days. The Explanatory Memorandum states that claims outside 90 days may still be

accepted where exceptional circumstances apply.

I understand the integrity rationale, but 90 days is too blunt, too short and poorly suited to

the NDIS context.

The NDIS is administratively heavy. Participants and families manage service agreements,

invoices, rosters, provider issues, therapy reports, plan reviews, school issues, behaviours of

concern, carer strain and daily care. For self-managed participants and families, delays are

not unusual. They may happen because of disability, carer burden, ADHD, executive

functioning difficulties, family crisis, hospitalisation, provider delay, technology problems,

bereavement, family violence or overwhelm.

A 90-day claim limit will not only affect fraudulent claims. It will affect real families using real

supports who are already carrying significant unpaid administrative labour.

It is also difficult to justify imposing a much tighter claim timeframe on NDIS participants than

applies in key Medicare contexts. Medicare online claims cannot be accepted for services

over 2 years old, and claims over 2 years old can be made by mail or at a service centre. For

bulk bill claims, services provided on or after 5 September 2025 must be submitted within

one year, with a late lodgement process available.

The NDIS supports people with permanent and significant disability. It is hard to understand

why participants and carers in this Scheme should face a 90-day claim limit when other

major Commonwealth payment systems allow longer periods and late lodgement pathways.

Submission 848

The “exceptional circumstances” safeguard is not enough if it becomes legalistic, narrow or

difficult to access. Disability and caring responsibilities should not have to be framed as

exceptional before they are recognised. A participant should not have to prove their life was

exceptional enough to justify an administrative delay.

Recommendation:

The 90-day claim limit should not proceed in its current form.

At minimum, the timeframe should be extended, and the Bill should include a clear,

accessible and non-punitive exception where delay is related to disability, caring

responsibilities, provider delay, family crisis, hospitalisation, bereavement, technology

barriers, family violence, nominee issues, administrative error or other reasonable

circumstances.

  1. Schedule 1, Parts 8 and 9 — permanence and reliance on other service systems Schedule 1, Parts 8 and 9 would tighten the meaning of permanence and require

consideration of other service systems when determining NDIS access.

I understand the NDIS cannot and should not fund every disability-related need. However,

there is a serious risk that people will be excluded from the NDIS because another system is

theoretically responsible, even when that system is not actually available, timely, accessible,

culturally safe, disability competent or capable of meeting the person’s needs.

This is not a theoretical risk. It is a common lived reality. Participants and families often fall

between systems. Health points to disability. Disability points to education. Education points

to health. Mental health points to the NDIS. The NDIS points back to mainstream services.

Families are left trying to hold together the gap between systems that each say the other

should respond.

The Bill should not entrench that failure.

A person should not be refused access to the NDIS because another system has theoretical

responsibility unless that system is actually available and capable of meeting the person’s

disability-related support needs in practice.

Recommendation:

The Bill should make clear that access cannot be refused on the basis of another service

Submission 848

system unless that system is actually available, accessible, timely and capable of meeting

the person’s disability-related support needs in practice.

The Bill should also require consideration of whether relying on another system would create

delay, unmet need, deterioration, carer burden, safeguarding risk or cost shifting to families

and state systems.

The Bill should not proceed in its current form.

The problem with this Bill is not that it seeks sustainability. The problem is how it seeks to

achieve it.

The Bill does not simply strengthen integrity. It creates a legislative architecture for rationing:

fewer reassessment rights, broader funding reduction powers, tighter claim timeframes,

greater suspension powers, and increased reliance on other systems that may not be

available in practice.

That is not securing the NDIS. That is reducing the Scheme’s exposure by increasing the

exposure of disabled people, families, carers and state systems.

The consequences will not disappear. They will show up as carer breakdown, school

disengagement, hospital presentations, mental health crises, child protection involvement,

youth justice contact, homelessness, restrictive practices and institutionalisation.

If the Parliament is serious about sustainability, it should not legislate avoidable crisis and

call it reform.

The Committee should recommend that the Bill be amended to ensure that no sustainability

measure can override participant safety, functioning, dignity, family sustainability or human

rights. The NDIS should be protected from fraud and exploitation, not redesigned in a way

that makes it harder for disabled people to obtain the supports they need to live safely and

with dignity.

Thank you for your time and consideration.

Exhausted Autistic mother of an Autistic ADHD Pathologically Demand Avoidant child